1.  Texas Association of REALTORS PAC ($35,867,910): The Realtors are the powerhouse of money in Texas politics. Yes, you might be surprised to find that your realtor’s professional dues support one of the most powerful — and certainly the most well-funded — PACs in Texas. What might be even more surprising is that the Texas Association of Realtors PAC (TREPAC) frequently uses its political heft to support liberal Republicans and the occasional Democrat. Apparently, this cycle, they believed their PAC account was too flush with cash, as they purchased more than $29 million of money market instrument mutual funds at Frost Bank. As for TREPAC’s donations directly to candidates, they appear to be motivated primarily by the desire to curry favor with those in power in Austin. They supported incumbents of every stripe in 2018, from the most conservative Republicans ($101,042 to Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick and $60,000 to State Sen. Don Huffines) to liberal Republicans and Democrats ($55,000 to State Rep. Charlie Geren and $50,000 to State Sen. John Whitmire). During the all-important and ideologically-revealing primary season, the Realtors tended to support the more moderate to liberal candidate in each race, including State Reps. Jason Villalba and Wayne Faircloth and State Sen. Kel Seliger this election season. TREPAC’s largest donation to a candidate this cycle was $140,000 to Cody Harris, a realtor himself, who won one of the most watched elections of the primary season to take the seat of retiring State Rep. Byron Cook. With more than $29 million in the bank, $6.7 million dollars cash-on-hand in their PAC account, and the proven willingness to spend it, the Realtors will be a formidable force in Texas politics for the foreseeable future.

And these numbers may tell only part of the story. The totals don’t include any political donations these men and women have given to candidates in federal races, such as the O’Rourke vs. Cruz battle. Moreover, these numbers don’t reflect any donations given to 501(c)(3) or 501(c)(4) organizations. Courts have ruled that these groups do not have to divulge their donors in order to protect the donors’ rights to freedom of speech and freedom of assembly.

John D. Rockefeller’s response to the question, “How much money is enough?”

Straus announced today he will not seek re-election as Speaker or to the Texas House of Representatives. More than 75 county GOP organizations, Tea Parties, and other conservative groups have voted to censure Straus. Also, Republican House members appear to be on the verge of agreeing to vote as a caucus when they elect their next Speaker. Many political insiders believe this sort of caucus vote would likely have ended Straus’ controversial reign.

But this year was different. Governor Greg Abbott called legislators back to Austin this summer from July 18 – August 15 for a “Special Session” to address what Gov. Abbott considered unfinished business from the regular session. Unlike the regular session, there was no moratorium on politicians receiving donations during the special session. They could legally take money from those in Austin seeking to influence legislation. Some lawmakers publicly announced they wouldn’t take donations during the special session, while others remained silent. Several prominent elected officials took donations up until the day before the special session began, and then turned off the flow of money once the session began.

Here’s a look at the top ten elected officials with the most cash on hand so far in the 2018 election cycle:

Here’s the top ten Political Action Committees that have raised the most money so far in the 2018 election cycle:

To really understand the money in Texas politics, you’ve got to understand the PACs. What are they? Who are they? And how do PACs determine which politicians get all that money?

 

Border Health PAC (BHPAC) is the premier supporter of Democrats from the Rio Grande Valley and border region of Texas. They exist to “promote issues of the medical profession along the border of the State of Texas” and spend large amounts of money to do so. Rather than seeking influence on legislation statewide, BHPAC centers its focus on what’s happening at home.

The Texas Association of REALTORS and their associated PACs are arguably the most well-funded in the state, as more money passed  through them in the 2016 election cycle than any other PAC. The Realtors are also one of the most well-known interest groups in Austin, and have been for years.

Texans for Lawsuit Reform (TLR) is in the business of electing politicians who will vote “correctly” on lawsuit & tort reform issues, while not rocking the boat in the Capitol. They’ve become one of the most powerful and well-known PACs in the state using this model, and show no signs of changing their game plan.

Texas Right to Life (TRTL) is the largest, and oldest pro-life advocacy group in the state of Texas. Their political arm lobbies legislators during the legislative session to enact conservative reforms on life issues, while their PAC works during campaign season to elect conservatives and defeat Republicans they deem unwilling to stand for life.

Here’s an overview of Mr. Soros’ giving in the last election cycle:

Compared to many of the other large political donors in Texas, Mr. McNair made relatively few donations this cycle coming in at 38 total gifts. Instead of spreading his support across the board, Mr. McNair concentrated his giving on just a few individual races and organizations.

Not surprisingly, 40% of Mr. Weekley’s giving went to TLR, coming in at $623,730. The remainder is split between direct contributions to candidates and to other PACs offering endorsements to candidates.

Interestingly, in Texas, HEB stores receive an estimated $2.89 billion of federal monies through food stamp reimbursements. Mr. Butt gives to both Republicans and Democrats, but notably, does not donate to those Republican legislators who have been the most vocal calling for food stamp reform.

Mr. Nau’s giving encompasses both Republicans and Democrats, with a heavy focus on funding general-purpose political action committees (PACs).

The Holts’ giving concentrated on Republican statewide candidates and one influential Republican PAC. Only one Democrat benefitted from the Holts’ largesse.

In the last election cycle Mr. Pitcock donated to both Republicans and Democrats. However, his contributions to the state’s power holders were significantly larger than to other candidates and officeholders. This political donation strategy suggests that Mr. Pitcock seeks to facilitate good will from those who have the power to impact his business, rather than to promote one political ideology over another.

In his spare time, Mr. Friedkin flies World War II-era P-51 Mustangs with an aerial acrobatic troupe. Mr. Friedkin, 51, is married with 4 children.